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Cheongsam (UK: /tʃ(i)ɒŋˈsæm/, US: /tʃɔːŋˈsɑːm/) or zansae, also known as the qipao (/ˈtʃiːpaʊ/) and sometimes referred to as the mandarin gown, is a Chinese dress worn by women which takes inspiration from the qizhuang, the ethnic clothing of the Manchu people. It was developed in the 1920s and evolved in shapes and design over years. The cheongsam is most often seen as a longer, figure-fitting, one piece garment with a standing collar, an asymmetric, left-over-right (youren) opening and two side slits, and embellished with Chinese frog fasteners on the lapel and the collar. It was popular in China from the 1920s to 1960s, overlapping with the Republican era, and was popularized by Chinese socialites and high society women in Shanghai. Although the cheongsam is sometimes seen as traditional Chinese clothing, the cheongsam continues to evolve with times as it responds to the contemporary modern life. The term cheongsam is a romanization of Cantonese word chèuhngsāam (長衫; ‘long shirt/dress’), which comes from the Shanghainese term zansae. As English loanwords, both “cheongsam” and “qipao” describe the same type of body-hugging dress worn by Chinese women, and the words could be used interchangeably. However, in Mandarin Chinese and other varieties of Chinese, chángshān (長衫) refers to an exclusively male garment, and the female version is known as the qípáo. In Cantonese and Shanghainese, the term is used to describe a Chinese dress popularized in Shanghai. The word qipao (keipo), which literally means “Bannerman robe” and originally referred to a loose-fitting, trapezoidal-cut garment worn by both Manchu men and women, became a more formal term for the female chèuhngsāam. In Hong Kong, where many Shanghainese tailors fled after the communist revolution of 1949, the word chèuhngsāam became gender-neutral, referring to both male and female garments. Usage of the term “cheongsam” in Western countries mostly followed the original Cantonese meaning and applies to the dress worn by women only. However, after decades of development, the design of cheongsam itself can be roughly categorized into the Beijing style, the Shanghai style, and the Hong Kong style. The length of the cheongsam can vary; it can be either long or short. The cheongsam is typically a tight-fitting dress, with a pair of high side slits above the knee-level. It is more often seen with short sleeves; however, it can also be sleeveless. In Chinese clothing culture, the overlap on the right side is known as youren. It is typically found with the mandarin collar and has asymmetric closure which runs from the central collar across the top area of the chest to the armhole curing down to the right side. The fasteners uses traditional Chinese knotting craftwork with the use of the pankou fastening and Chinese button knot. Yigun yiqian: the gun is dark purple while the qian is white. However, the cheongsam is not limited to the asymmetrical youren closure; there are various styles of cheongsam necklines, including a symmetrical opening in the chest area. The cheongsam is typically edged with piping, especially at the collar and the closure. There are four traditional piping techniques used in the making of the cheongsam: gun (滚; ‘roll’) which is a narrow strips of fabric roll around the raw edge of the garment and is the most commonly used nowadays, xiang (镶) which is broad edging typically found in Manchu clothing of the Qing dynasty and the early cheongsam and is now quite rare, qian (嵌) is a very narrow strip of fabric which is even narrower than the gun, and dang (宕) is a specific type of xiang technique which uses a narrow strip of fabric which is stitched on the dress. It is also typical for the qian and the gun to be used together on the same dress creating a double-edged look; this technique is known as yigun yiqian (一滚一嵌; ‘one gun one qian’). Other double-edged piping technique include “two-gun-one-qian” and the “two-gun-two-qian”. Different materials can be used in the making of the cheongsam, such as wool, silk (including silk floss, damask, brocade, satin), or silk-like materials. The dang can also be combined with the gun; in this combination, the dang and the gun would be made of the same width and colour of fabric but they would run parallel to each other about two to five centimeters away from each other. The cheongsam can also be unlined or interlined. The fabric of the cheongsam can decorated with a diversity of decorative motifs, which can be embroidered on the dress. It is typically handmade. It is also characterized by its wide piping. It maintains the traditional straight and A-line silhouette, and often has embroidery and elaborate adornments. The Beijing-style cheongsam expresses Chinese culture in its style. The production of a Beijing cheongsam is complex. The pankou fasteners can sometimes take several days to create, typically requiring twenty-six procedures of silk processing to be turning into silk strips which would be appropriate in the making of the fasteners of various patterns by artisans. The Shanghai-style Cheongsam originated in Shanghai and is a popular and dominant style. As a result, to deliberately create a more figure-hugging silhouette and to focus on showing off the natural curve of the female body, many elements of Western tailoring techniques can be found in the Shanghai-style cheongsam, including curved cutting, waist darts. This act of showing the female body was a physical expression of the changes in the identities of Chinese women and their rebellion against the idealized womanhood as indicated in the Confucian ideology. The Shanghai-style Cheongsam, especially, conveyed progressive messages of female body emancipation from the 1930s to 1940s; it also came to symbolize the idea of modernity in “pursuing health, fashion, and natural beauty”. It also features high side slits and high collar. It also uses lighter materials and has less elaborate embroidery or adornments; the piping is very narrow. The collars can be lapel collars, water drop collars, and lotus leaf collars; the shape of the sleeves are also diverse. The Jiangnan-style cheongsam, also known as Su-style cheongsam, originated in the Jiangnan Water town. This style of cheongsam expresses the cultural characteristics of the water town in Jiangnan and also creates a fusion between Chinese calligraphy and Chinese painting, incorporating the hand-painting art of the Wumen School of Painting. The dress is also embroidered with rich pattern motifs which tend to be floral, e.g. plum, orchid, bamboo, chrysanthemum, peonies, and roses. The Manchu are an ethnic minority that founded the last of China’s imperial dynasties, the Qing dynasty, which lasted from 1644 to 1911. When the dynasty was first established, dress regulations were implemented as a way of expressing their identity as a people and creating social order. It is characterized by the neckline and embroidered patterns on the edges of the cuff. They used an administrative division called the Eight Banner system. Originally only the Manchu households were organized within this system, but over time naturalized Mongols and Han Chinese were incorporated. The Manchu, and anyone living under the Eight Banners system, wore different clothing from ordinary civilians. Thus, they became known as the Banner People (Chinese: 旗人; pinyin: qírén; lit. The type of qizhuang that both men and women typically wore consisted of long robes, which can be referred to as the Manchu changpao and also categorized under the broad category of changpao (Chinese: 长袍; Chinese: 長袍; lit. Chinese: 长衫; traditional Chinese: 長衫; lit. On the other hand, some imperial Manchu women wore a changfu (常服), informal dress, which looked similar to the men’s neitao known as the changfupao (常服袍). Manchu men wore a changpao, which were designed for horseback riding, known as neitao, which was characterized by two pair of slits (one slit on each side, one slit on the back, and one slit on the front) which increased ease of movement when mounting and dismounting horses, a pianjin collar (a collar which curved like the alphabet《S》), and the sleeve cuffs known as matixiu (Chinese: 马蹄袖; pinyin: mǎtíxiù; lit. There were also two styles of changpao for the imperial consorts, known as chenyi and changyi, which became popular. The chenyi and the changyi differed in terms of structure: the changyi had two high side slits which allowed for greater ease of movements while the chenyi had no side slits. Both the chenyi and changyi were also the changfu of the Manchu women; they also both became popular during the reign of Emperor Qianlong. It is also theorized that the cheongsam was derived from the Manchu women’s chenyi although the chenyi shows the absence of slits. Both the chenyi and changyi differed from the changfupao lacking the matixiu cuffs. Throughout China’s multicultural history, clothing has been shaped through an intermingling of primarily Han clothing styles, the Han Chinese being the dominant ethnicity, and the styles of various ethnic groups. Manchu robes were initially collarless. Some examples include the standing collar of the cheongsam, which has been found in relics from the Ming dynasty, ruled by the Han Chinese, and was subsequently adopted in the Qing dynasty as Manchu clothing items. The Manchu also adopted the right closure from the Han Chinese as they initially closed their robes on the left side. Left: A Qing-style aoqun, a form of Hanfu worn by Han women around the 19th to 20th centuries. Chenyi, a one-piece Manchu women’s robe, Qing dynasty. Below their upper garment, this qun, skirt, is a mamianqun, a style which was inherited from the Ming dynasty and continued to develop in the Qing dynasty. Under the dynastic laws of transition from Ming to Qing, all Han Chinese were forced to adopt the Manchu male queue hairstyle and adopt Manchu clothing under the Tifayifu (剃发易服; 剃髮易服; tìfàyìfú) policy instead of being found wearing the traditional Hanfu, under the threat of death penalty. Right: Lady Aisin-Gioro Hengxiang, the birth mother of Wanrong, wearing the traditional Manchu one-piece robe, a chenyi, that later inspired the cheongsam. However, the order for ordinary non-Banner Han civilians to wear Manchu clothing was lifted, and only those Han who served as officials or scholars were required to wear them. By the late Qing, not only officials and scholars, but a great many Han commoners wore Manchu-style male attire. However, until 1911, the Manchu changpao was required clothing for Chinese men of a certain class. What is now known as the Chinese changshan was developed by the Han Chinese during the Qing dynasty. Over time though, some Han civilian men voluntarily adopted the changshan. 129 The Qing dynasty Chinese changshan was modeled after the Manchu’s men’s robe. 129 Han Chinese started to wear the Qing dynasty Chinese changshan after the Manchu conquest; the Chinese changshan was a modified version of the changshan worn in the Ming dynasty (1368-1644 AD), the dynasty preceding the Qing dynasty. 129 The Chinese changshan differed from the Manchu men’s neitao as it only had two slits on the sides, lacking the central front and back slits, and lacked the presence of the matixiu cuffs; the sleeves were also longer than the ones found in the neitao. For women, Manchu and Han systems of clothing coexisted. It thus adopted certain Manchu elements, such as slimming their changshan, adopting the pianjin collar of the Manchu, and using buttons and loops at the neck and sides. Throughout the Qing dynasty, Han civilian women could wear traditional Han clothing from the Ming dynasty. They wore an early form of the cheongsam, which quickly became the regular outfit of urban women in metropolitan cities like Beijing and Shanghai. Cheongsam of the late 1910s and early 1920s had relatively loose cutting with long, wide sleeves. One of the earliest cheongsams was A-line with wide three-quarter sleeves and would fall just below the knee level. In the late 1910s, after the overthrow of the Qing dynasty and the founding of the Republic of China, women began to partake in the education system. In 1929, the cheongsam was chosen by the Republic of China government to be one of the country’s national dresses. Under the Western influences of wearing shorter dresses in 1928, the length of the cheongsam became shorter. However, even before the Clothing Regulations of 1929, women had already stopped wearing ku trousers in favor of silk stockings. Chinese women held no respect to the rule, as it was seen as an attempt by the Republican government to control individual rights and woman’s liberty. 48 With the designation of “national dress”, the Republic of China government also promulgated the new Clothing Regulations of 1929, which specified the cheongsam should be worn with trousers and be calf-length. Former First Lady of China Madame Wellington Koo (Oei Hui-lan) was a prominent figure among them. Voted several times by Vogue into its lists of the world’s best-dressed women, Madame Wellington Koo was much admired for her adaptations of the traditional Manchu fashion, which she wore with lace trousers and jade necklaces. From the 1920s onwards, the cheongsam was quickly popularized by celebrities, socialites, and politicians in Shanghai. Cheongsam dresses at the time had been decorously slit a few inches up the sides, but Madame Koo slashed hers to the knee, ‘with lace pantelettes just visible to the ankle’. Unlike other Asian socialites, Madame Koo also insisted on local Chinese silks, which she thought were of superior quality. Starting from the early 1930s, there was a further transformation of the qipao as it became increasingly shorter, tighter, and body-hugging, with side slits that reached up to the thigh. Moreover, numerous distinct cheongsams designs emerged, with experimental changes on fastenings, pipings, collars, fur-lined cuffs, various length of sleeves, or simply sleeveless. Consumer culture rose as Western and Chinese merchants cooperated to move towards early capitalism. Newer forms featured slender and tight-fitting pencil cuts and deep necks, which is different from the early cheongsam. People eagerly sought a more modernized dress style and transformed the old cheongsam to suit new tastes. High-class courtesans and celebrities in the city welcomed the tight-fitting cheongsam. It was at this time the word cheongsam became well known in English. In Shanghainese, it was first known as zansae for ‘long dress’, rendered in Mandarin as chángshān and in Cantonese as chèuhngsāam. Then, the spoken Cantonese renditions of 長衫 was borrowed into English as “cheongsam”. High-heeled shoes were popularized in the Shanghai fashion scene in the 1930s. Stockings and High-heeled shoes became an essential part of the cheongsam fashion set, which spawned new side slits designs reaching the hip line, intended to display the hosiery and heels. Trousers had completely fallen out of use, replaced by different types of hosiery. As Western fashions evolved, so did the cheongsam design, introducing high-necked sleeveless dresses, bell-like sleeves, and the black lace frothing at the hem of a ball gown. By the 1940s, cheongsam came in a wide variety of fabrics with an equal variety of accessories. 247 As a result, the cheongsam-style uniform was regarded as an icon of the wealthy class and was perceived as Bourgeois by the Communist China. Cheongsams were worn by celebrities, societies, and students of prestigious missionary schools in the early 20th century. 247 From the 1950s to the 1970s, with the destroying Four Olds movements and the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), China pushed for egalitarian ideology and wearing cheongsam could result in punishment. She was later declared guilty in the Cultural Revolution for wearing it, due to its historical ties and symbolism. For example, in 1963, when Chinese President Liu Shaoqi visited four neighbouring countries in South Asia, the first lady Wang Guangmei wore a cheongsam. It became everyday wear in the British colony of Hong Kong in the 1950s, and leather clutch, high heels, and white gloves were common pairing accessories. In other Chinese communities, such as Taiwan, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore and Hong Kong, the cheongsam remained popular after the war. However, the popularity ultimately declined in the 1970s, giving way for cheaper and mass-produced Western-style clothing. Since the 1980s, with the trend of reevaluation of Chinese traditional culture, people in mainland China started to pay attention to the cheongsam again. The cheongsam is gaining popularity in films, beauty pageants, and fashion shows in both China and other countries all over the world. These uniform cheongsams are in a plain color, hemmed just above the knee, with a close-fitting wool suit jacket of the same color as the cheongsam. It is also common for these uniforms to only borrow certain elements, such as the standing collar and frog clasps, without adopting the whole design. In the 1950s, women in the workforce in Hong Kong started to wear more functional cheongsam made of wool, twill, and other materials. Most were tailor fitted and often came with a matching jacket. In 1984, the cheongsam was specified as the formal attire of female diplomatic agents by the People’s Republic of China. The dresses were a fusion of Chinese tradition with modern styles. Cheongsam was commonly replaced by more comfortable clothing such as sweaters, jeans, business suits, and skirts. They are sometimes worn by politicians and film artists in Taiwan and Hong Kong. They are shown in some Chinese movies, such as in the 1960s film The World of Suzie Wong, where actress Nancy Kwan made the cheongsam briefly fashionable in Western culture. Due to its restrictive nature, it is now mainly worn as formal wear for important occasions. They are also commonly seen in beauty contests, along with swimsuits. Today, cheongsam is only commonly worn day to day as a uniform by people like restaurant hostesses and serving staff at luxury hotels. A few primary schools and some secondary schools in Hong Kong, especially older schools established by Christian missionaries, use a plain-rimmed sky-blue cotton and/or dark blue velvet (for winter) cheongsam with the metal school badge right under the stand-up collar to be closed with a metal hook and eye as the official uniform for their female students. Before World War II, it was customary for girl students who attended schools run by Western missionaries societies to wear cheongsam as their school uniforms; on the other hand, there were very few indigenous Chinese schools that were using the cheongsam as a school uniform. The schools which use this standard include True Light Girls’ College, St. Paul’s Co-educational College, Heep Yunn School, St. Stephen’s Girls’ College, Ying Wa Girls’ School, etc. These cheongsams are usually straight, with no waist shaping, and the cheongsam hem must reach mid-thigh. Although the skirts have short slits, they are too narrow to allow students to walk in long strides. The cheongsam fit closely to the neck, and the stiff collar is hooked closed, despite the tropical humid and hot weather. The seams above the slits often split when walking and are repeatedly sewn. Many schools also require underskirts to be worn with the cheongsam. The underskirt is a white cotton full slip, hemmed slightly shorter than the cheongsam, and has slits at the sides like the cheongsam, although the slits are deeper. A white cotton undershirt is often worn underneath the cheongsam. The cheongsam’s length, styling, color, and sleeve length vary between schools. Many students feel it is an ordeal, yet it is a visible manifestation of the strict discipline that is the hallmark of prestigious secondary schools in Hong Kong, and many students and their parents like that. Some rebellious students express dissatisfaction with this tradition by wearing their uniform with the stand-up collar intentionally left unhooked or hemmed above their knees. The Ying Wa and True Light Schools have sent questionnaires to their students about uniform reforms but have not altered their policies. However, Madam Lau Kam Lung Secondary School of Miu Fat Buddhist Monastery ended their cheongsam uniform in 1990 after receiving suggestions from its student union. Cheongsams are a popular outfit choice for festive seasons like Chinese New Year. Cheongsams are also popular outfits for older women on formal occasions or family reunions. In countries with significant Chinese populations, such as Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, it is common for women to have new cheongsams tailored in preparation for the New Year. In Western weddings, Chinese brides or brides marrying into a Chinese family will often wear cheongsam for a portion of the wedding day. Upmarket fashion labels such as Shanghai Tang specialize in modern versions of the cheongsam as occasion wear. It is common for many brides to have both a traditional white wedding dress and a cheongsam or a guaqun (another kind of wedding attire) to be worn during the tea ceremony. Dark blue Qi Lolita dress without mandarin collar. Light blue Qi Lolita dress with mandarin collar. Cheongsam styles have also evolved to be more modern, from mermaid silhouettes to semi-traditional styles that feature a cheongsam top with softer details like lace and a looser skirt. The dresses or jumper skirts are designed after traditional Chinese dresses. Some Lolita dresses are styled like cheongsam. This style of Lolita fashion is called Qi Lolita. Similar attire was worn by female members of the Swedish team and of the Spanish team in the opening ceremony, with the national colors. In the 2008 Summer Olympics, the medal bearers wore cheongsam. For the 2012 Hong Kong Sevens tournament, sportswear brand Kukri Sports teamed up with Hong Kong lifestyle retail store G.O.D. Chinese jackets and cheongsam-inspired ladies’ polo shirts. It now embodies an identity of being ethnic Chinese and thus is used for important diplomatic occasions. In contemporary China, the meaning of cheongsam has been revisited again. In November 2014, cheongsam was the official attire for the political leaders’ wives in the 22nd APEC meeting in Beijing. With the growth of the Chinese economy, cheongsam has experienced a renewed popularity. Since 2013, Peng Liyuan, the first lady of China, has worn cheongsam several times while on foreign visits with Chinese leader Xi Jinping. Many Western designers have integrated elements of cheongsam into their fashion collections. French designer Pierre Cardin once said that cheongsam was his inspiration for many of his evening dress designs. In many films and movies, cheongsam is used to make a fashion statement. In the 2011 movie One Day, Anne Hathaway wore a set of dark blue cheongsam as an evening dress. The varied interpretations of this ethnic dress brings in debates of cultural appropriation and the designs being linked to Orientalism. This dress style has also been specifically seen on more than one celebrity or figure in the early 2000’s. This era is often described as a “global mash up”, incorporating styles, silhouettes, prints, and accessories from subcultures around the world. Lindsey Lohan’s 11 year old character has a prominent scene wearing a pink qipao, paired with a little matching fluffy pink trimmed purse, also an iconic Y2k accessory. This heightened attention of global fashions from Asia brought to Western pop culture’s wardrobe, whilst being shone in starlight with social media and tabloids fawning over these ‘new’ styles, also caused insensitive representation of the fashions, also known as Cultural appropriation. Many western stars such as Elizabeth Taylor, Grace Kelly, Nicole Kidman, Paris Hilton, Emma Watson, Deepika Padukone, and Celine Dion have also made public appearances wearing cheongsam. The Cheongsam was also sold in stores as a Halloween costume for young girls and women to wear, pretending to be a person of Asian descent as their costume. However, as conversations of cultural appropriation increase and social awareness is spread through media platforms and social media, these racially insensitive costumes have since been left more in the past. This created more conversation as more voices of minorities were heard, that this cultural dress is not appreciated when it is sold as a costume. 277 along with the aoqun, a traditional clothing attire of the Han Chinese women. The cheongsam can be worn by people of all ages and at any season. It is also used as a style Traditional Chinese wedding dress among many others. It was eventually accepted by the People’s Republic of China as a form of hanfu, thus becoming transnational and representative of a generic Chinese national identity rather than an ethnic or ancestral identity. In the 1920s, the cheongsam was originally an embodiment of Chinese women’s rebellion and a heroic gesture and a marker of Chinese feminism and Chinese women’s emancipation. For overseas Chinese, the cheongsam has often used as a form of emblematic culture. The Republican period is the golden age of the cheongsam. In exploring the reasons behind its prevalence in Republic of China, many scholars relate it to the women’s liberation movements. After the feudal Qing dynasty was overturned, Chinese feminists called for women’s liberation from traditional roles. They led several movements against the Neo-Confucian gender segregation, including the termination of foot binding for women, cutting off long hair, which was conventionally symbolized as women’s “oriental” beauty, and encouraging women to wear men’s one-piece clothing, Changshan or “changpao”. Han dynasty (202 BC to 220) to Qing dynasty (1616-1911). During that time, Chinese Han female’s clothing gradually developed into two pieces. Women were forbidden to wear robes as men did and instead had to wear tops and bottoms known as “Liang jie yi”. After the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 (which overthrew the Qing dynasty), young Chinese people began to learn Western science and cultures in order to seek a way of saving the nation. Also, the opening of several ports and ceding territories of China to Western powers imported some Western ideas to mainland China. Among all these Western thoughts, the idea of gender equality quickly gained its followers, among whom young female students became its prime advocates. It was the May Thirteenth Movement of 1925, where anti-Westernization demonstrations persisted throughout the country, that served as an important push for the qipao’s institutionalization. The Republicans declared the qipao a formal dress in the Clothing Regulations of 1929. The dress was meant to assert the importance of nationalism by rejecting Western forms of dress. From the start, there was no unifying style for the dress like the Republicans intended; Chinese women had no respect for the Clothing Regulations of 1929, which tried to control individuality. There were endless variations in style, with adaptations to length, material, hemlines, collars, fabrics, patterns, colors, and pairing accessories. That being said, there were still strict rules regulating how the dress needed to be worn, including specifications about length, material, accessories, collar, buttons, and sleeves, but curiously enough, none of these were followed. It was worn by everyone from Shanghai socialites to students, housewives, and prostitutes. The style of the qipao was often in tune with fashion cycles and was influenced by Western trends seen through women styling it with matching scarves, fur coats, and leather heels. The base form of the qipao is rather simple to sew, which makes it easily accessible and economical. Magazines such as LingLong also gave women access to dressmaking knowledge and normalized it for women to make their dresses in their style. It changed from a wide and loose style to a more form-fitting and revealing cut, which put more emphasis on women’s body lines. The style of cheongsam also varied due to Western influence. The design of the cheongsam got various inventions like ruffled collars, bell-like sleeves, and black lace frothing. The length of the cheongsam was also reduced from the ankle reaching to above the knee. Starting from that, the priority of cheongsam moved from a political expression to an aesthetic and ornamental emphasis. The Hongkong Cheongsam-making technique is unique due to its historical background, having incorporated both Eastern and Western clothing designs before giving the Hongkong-style cheongsam its distinctive looks. Due to its long history dating back to the Manchu clothing of the early Qing dynasty, the Beijing-style cheongsam-making technique is listed as a city-level intangible cultural heritage. In 2021, the Hong Kong cheongsam making technique was successfully listed on the fifth National List of Intangible Cultural Heritage. However, the cheongsam is a type of Chinese clothing which was developed in the 20th century under the influences of several cultures, including Western culture, Manchu culture, and the Han Chinese culture. In Western countries, the cheongsam is widely perceived as being a quintessential Chinese garment. The cheongsam also had a significant impact on international fashion centers in the 1950s and 1960s, such as Paris, Rome, and New York, due to its perceived exoticism and its slim line silhouette which was also fashionable in Europe at those times. Descendants of Chinese immigrants or overseas Chinese in Western countries, such as Canada, may wear cheongsam on events such as weddings, graduation ceremonies, and other occasions; however, the cheongsam is not always perceived as being traditional Chinese clothing; for example, some Canadians of Han Chinese descent still remember the use of aoqun as their traditional Chinese dress. 277 The use of cheongsam as a cultural marker of Chineseness can be thus perceived as ironic, and a cultural stereotype of Chineseness as the cheongsam is not associated with any specific ancestral clothing of Chinese immigrants. In Indonesia, the cheongsam has experienced acculturation from Chinese culture and Indonesian culture, one of which is the batik-patterned cheongsam which has become the main cultural identity in Indonesia. In Suriname, the cheongsam is not only presented as being the quintessential Chinese dress but also as the authentic Chinese ethnic clothing; however, the Chinese ethnic clothing, which should have been used, is the shanku, consisting of a shan (jacket) and a pair of ku trousers, as it was the attire which was worn by the Hakka people who came in Suriname as indentured laborers and chain immigrants. In recent years, the trend of Chinese clothing combined with local elements has started to become popular. The euphoria of acculturating Chinese and Indonesian culture is driven by local Chinese citizens who want to show that they love their homeland. Cheongsam clothing made from batik is very attractive fashion, there are clothing models that are suitable to wear during Chinese New Year celebrations. The cheongsam was introduced in Canada after the early 1930s with the flow of Chinese immigrants. Clothing that is an acculturation of Indonesian and Chinese culture is very suitable to complement the celebration. 83 However, the wearing the cheongsam is mixed amongst Canadians with Chinese heritage. 84 Others may wear the cheongsam as an attempt to reconnect with their Chinese heritage and/or to show appreciation to the dress. Some may find themselves uncomfortable or feel alienation when wearing cheongsam due to the lack of self-identification with Chinese culture and Chinese identity. 100 Some may be reluctant to wear it publicly due to their experiences of being part of a racialized group and/or due to self-loathing due to the experiences of racism and marginalization in various forms, such as physical attacks, ostracism, and bullying, the social pressure to integrate and/or the desire to assimilate in the dominant culture as a protective mechanism even at the expense of rejecting any aspects or association with Chinese culture, identity, and appearance in the dress. However, there has been considerable debate on the origin of the cheongsam in academic circles. The first argument says that the cheongsam came directly from the clothing of the banner people when the Manchu ruled China during the Qing dynasty. The second opinion holds that the cheongsam inherited some features of the chángpáo of Banner People in the Qing dynasty, but the true origin of the cheongsam dates back to a period between the Western Zhou dynasty (1046-771 BC) and the pre-Qin era, approximately two millennia before the Qing dynasty. And Chinese Professor Bao Minxin (Chinese: 包铭新) also pointed out in his book A Real Record of Modern Chinese Costume that the cheongsam originated from the ancient robe in the Han dynasty (206 BC-220 AD). This argument was prominently represented by Zhou Xibao (Chinese: 周锡保) in his work The History of Ancient Chinese Clothing and Ornaments. The robe is a one-piece upper and lower connected long dress which was quite popular among ladies in Han. The third argument was raised by Bian Xiangyang (Chinese: 卞向阳) in his book An Analysis on the Origin of Qipao. It is an adaption of Western-style dress during the Republic of China era when people were open to the Western cultures. Bian thinks that the cheongsam originates from neither the robe nor the chángpáo. Moreover, according to him, Chinese women traditionally wore ku trousers under their clothing and the use of silk stockings under the cheongsam or being bare legs is not a Chinese tradition but the result of Western influence. In his opinion, the cheongsam was a hybrid of traditional Chinese costumes and Western costumes such as the waistcoat and one-piece dress. The Vietnamese áo dài looks similar to the cheongsam as they both consist of a long robe with side splits on both sides of the robe with one of the main difference typically being the height of the side split. The áo dài was derived from áo ngũ thân (lit. The áo dài was developed from the clothing worn in Chinese court but it could only be worn by the royalty originally. The ethnic Kinh robe (i.e. the traditional áo giao lĩnh, a type of crossed-collar robe, which was identical to the ones worn by the Han Chinese). In the 18th century, in an attempt to separate his domain from Tonkin ruled by his rival Trịnh clan and build an independent state, Lord Nguyễn Phúc Khoát (reigned 1738-1765) forced his subjects to wear Ming dynasty style Chinese clothing. Another new form of fashion included a type of four-panel robe which was described by Lê Quý Đôn as an áo dài which was loose fitting similarly to the áo giao lãnh. The skirt which was worn by the Vietnamese was also replaced by trousers under his rule. Under the rule of Emperor Minh Mạng, two new forms of áo dài were created from the áo ngũ thân regulated by Nguyễn Phúc Khoát: the áo tứ thân, and the Huế-style áo dài which was created with five flaps. A variant of qipao, taken at the Tokyo Game Show in Japan. The Huế-style áo dài represented royal court culture of the Huế and later developed influenced the modern áo dài. Wei, Yulong (2017). “Research on the Evolution of Cheongsam Style in the Republican Period and Its Contemporary Application”. Proceedings of the 2017 International Conference on Culture, Education and Financial Development of Modern Society (ICCESE 2017). Atlantis Press. Han, Qingxuan (2019). Qipao and Female Fashion in Republican China and Shanghai (1912-1937): the Discovery and Expression of Individuality (Senior project). Stephanie, Ho; Singapore, National Library Board. McKean, Erin (2013). The hundred dresses : the most iconic styles of our time. 刘冬. “The Beauty of Beijing-Style Cheongsam”. Huang, Yunlin; Liu, Yuqing; Yang, Fangxin (24 December 2021). “Exploring the Meaning of Shanghai Cheongsam from the Perspective of the Male Gaze”. Natalie Proulx (8 May 2018). “Is a Chinese-Style Prom Dress Cultural Appropriation?”. Proceedings of the 2021 4th International Conference on Humanities Education and Social Sciences (ICHESS 2021). Vol. 615. Atlantis Press. pp. Tong, Ningning; Yuan, Songmei (2015). “Study of the Strategies for the Digital Communication of the Manchu Costumes under the Theory of Media Extension”. Proceedings of the 2015 International Conference on Education, Management, Information and Medicine. Hong Kong Museum of History, Hong Kong. Garrett, Valery (2019). Chinese dress from the Qing Dynasty to the present day. Xianggang: Kang le ji wen hua shi wu shu. Leisure and Cultural Services Department, Gu gong bo wu yuan, 故宮博物院. Chinese Traditional Dress – Online exhibitions across Cornell University Library. Edward J. M. Rhoads (2000). Manchus and Han: Ethnic Relations and Political Power in Late Qing and Early Republican China, 1861-1928. University of Washington Press. Shaorong Yang (2004). Traditional Chinese Clothing Costumes, Adornments & Culture. For women’s clothing, Manchu and Han systems of clothing coexisted. Long River Press. p. 周, 锡保 (1 January 2002). 《中国古代服饰史》. 中国戏剧出版社. 千志, 魏 (1998). 《明清史概論》. 中國社會科學出版社. Lee, Linda T. (8 May 2012), “Han-Centric Dress: Fashion Subculture or a National Identity for China?”, Fashion: Exploring Critical Issues, BRILL, pp. Material women, 1750-1950 : consuming desires and collecting practices. Maureen Daly Goggin, Beth Fowkes Tobin. Gao, Sally (9 December 2016). “A Brief History Of The Cheongsam”. Gorea, Adriana (2020). The book of pockets : a practical guide for fashion designers. Ling, Wessie (8 May 2011), “Chinese Clothes for Chinese Women: Fashioning the qipao in 1930s China”, Fashion Forward, BRILL, pp. Katya Roelse, Martha Hall. Koo, Hui-lan Oei; Van Rensselaer Thayer, Mary (1943). Hui-lan Koo (Madame Wellington Koo): An Autobiography as Told to Mary Van Rensselaer Thayer. New York: Dial Press. Ling, Wessie (2009). “Harmony and Concealment: How Chinese women fashioned the Qipao in 1930s China.”. In Goggin, Maureen Daly; Tobin, Beth Fowkes (eds.). Material Women, 1750-1950: Consuming Desires and Collecting Practices. Dongfang Daily (2 July 2012). “海上名媛与海上旗袍的华丽转身”. Chew, Matthew (March 2007). “Contemporary Re-emergence of the Qipao: Political Nationalism, Cultural Production and Popular Consumption of a Traditional Chinese Dress”. Feng (in Simplified Chinese). Mizuoka, Fujio (2018). Contrived Laissez-Faireism : the politico-economic structure of British colonialism in Hong Kong. Clement Huang (25 June 2015). “China Airlines introduces new uniform designs”. 李气虹 (The qipao keeps the affections of Hong Kong girls schools of 100 years by Li Qihong) (16 May 2003). “旗袍维系香港女校百年情”. 旗袍维系香港女校百年情. Calhoun, Mimi. “Moments with Mimi: My culture is not your Halloween costume”. Tjon Sie Fat, Paul Brendan (2009). Chinese new migrants in Suriname : the inevitability of ethnic performing. Styling Shanghai. Christopher Breward, Juliette MacDonald. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. 吴, 昊 (January 2008). 中国妇女服饰与身体革命. 上海: 上海东方出版中心. Transnational screens : expanding the borders of transnational cinema. Armida De la Garza, Ruth Doughty, Deborah Shaw (1st ed.). Sim, Cheryl (2019). Wearing the cheongsam : dress and culture in a Chinese diaspora. 2 February 2019). “Cheongsam Rasa Batik, Cantiknya Koleksi Imlek Peranakan Anne Avantie”. Hong Kong Intangible Cultural Heritage Database. 5 February 2024). “Inspirasi Batik Cheongsam untuk Rayakan Imlek”. 22 January 2023). “Desain Batik Keren Akulturasi Indonesia-Tionghoa, Hadirkan Nuansa Imlek”. Desire change : contemporary feminist art in Canada. Heather M. Davis, Mentoring Artists for Women’s Art. 周, 锡保 (September 1984). 中国古代服饰史. Archived 27 December 2019 at the Wayback Machine. 袁, 杰英 (January 2002). 中国旗袍. 北京: 中国戏剧出版社. 北京: 中国纺织出版社. 上海: 东华大学出版社. 卞, 向阳 (November 2003). “论旗袍的流行起源”. 包, 铭新 (December 2004). 近代中国女装实录. 装饰 (11). J523. Lieu, Nhi T. (2011). The American dream in Vietnamese. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Howard, Michael C. (2016). Textiles and clothing of Viet Nam : a history. Áo dài” | Tập San Việt Học”. Jefferson, North Carolina. p. Howard, Michael C. (2016). Textiles and clothing of Viet Nam : a history. Fiona. “A Brief History of Traditional Vietnamese Ao Dai”. Jefferson, North Carolina. p. Travel information for Vietnam from local experts. Beijing: Guangming ribao chubanshe. Shanghai: Shanghai wenhua chubanshe. Bao Mingxin; Ma Li, eds. Chang, Eileen (Zhang Ailing) (Fall 2003). “A Chronicle of Changing Clothes”. Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique.

Clark, Hazel (2000). The Cheongsam. Images of Asia. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press (China). Finnane, Antonia (2007). “Chapter 6: Qipao China”. Changing Clothes in China: Fashion, History, Nation. New York: Columbia University Press. Roberts, Claire, ed. (1997). Evolution and Revolution: Chinese Dress 1700s-1900s. Sydney: Powerhouse Pub., Museum of Applied Arts and Sciences. Schmitz, Rob (2 June 2012). “The Street of Eternal Happiness: The Tailor”. Marketplace. Archived from the original on 23 June 2012. Retrieved 22 June 2012. About a tailor of cheongsam who has been in the business for nearly 80 years. CD-ROM). Pepin Fashion, Textiles & Patterns, no. 1. Amsterdam: Pepin Press. Lee, Chor Lin; Chung May Khuen (2012). In the Mood for Cheongsam: A Social History, 1920s-Present. Singapore: Editions Didier Millet and National Museum of Singapore. Wikimedia Commons has media related to Qipao. This page was last edited on 27 November 2024, at 00:25 (UTC). Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.

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BEIJING, Sept 20 (Reuters) – Li Doudou’s grey kitten squeezes in next to her as she sits painstakingly applying makeup and putting up her hair in a bun adorned with elaborate ornaments. Li, who lives in Hebei province in northeast China, is a devotee of the Hanfu movement, which has spanned a decade and in the last year has seen a spike in followers, partly thanks to social media. Chinese for ‘Han clothing’, “Hanfu” is based on the idea of donning costumes worn in bygone eras by China’s dominant Han ethnicity. Looking like she has just stepped off the set of a Chinese historical drama, the 26-year-old property appraiser is wearing a long Ming dynasty-style blue tunic with sweeping sleeves and a flower design outlined in gold and silver thread, paired with a flowing, bright orange skirt. Some of the most popular styles are from the Ming, cheongsam bridal gown Song and Tang dynasties. Dai, who only gave her last name, a public relations manager at Chong Hui Han Tang, a 13-year-old national chain of Han clothing stores. Hanfu enthusiasts doubled to two million in 2018 from a year earlier, according to a survey by Hanfu Zixun, a popular community account on the Wechat social media platform. Li donned her first gown in March and has lost count of the Hanfu outfits in her wardrobe, she says. A tall slim man posts videos on this account in which he is dramatically transformed into a beautiful young woman in traditional Chinese gowns. Li was inspired to buy Hanfu by an account dubbed Nanzhi999, which has 1.1 million followers on the Douyin short video social media platform. Li, at an event to mark Chinese Valentine’s Day in Beijing last month. Those who have studied Hanfu say the movement is a mix of history and fantasy, said Kevin Carrico, author of “The Great Han”. Many Hanfu followers like the clothes for the fashion statement, but some, Li included, say its significance is greater. The Communist Youth League organised a Chinese National Costume Day for the first time last year urging people to share their ethnic outfits online. Hanfu practitioners say they are apolitical, although they point to instances where Hanfu gets support from the government. What keeps people reaching for their Hanfu outfits is often more personal. Since starting to wear Hanfu, Li Doudou said she has attended a class on traditional tea ceremonies. Hanfu also aligns with President Xi Jinping’s call to promote traditional Chinese values. She is also planning to learn to play the “guqin”, an ancient seven-stringed zither.

I feel like Ming dynasty style/inspired hanfu has gotten more popular recently. I feel like when I first started looking into hanfu more seriously, like around last summer, Ming Dynasty styles were more “traditional” and not as many innovative styles for sale inspired by it, and the resources I found discussing the styles talking abt how Ming Dynasty styles are seen as “older” or more “old-fashioned” and many young ppl don’t tend to like it, hanfu han dynasty or it’s not as suited for younger ppl. The styles also tended to be heavier-looking and more suited for colder weather. But now we have so many Ming dynasty-inspired styles, made with lighter fabrics too. Ming dynasty-style hanfu has had fans since the beginning of the hanfu revival movement, especially because the Ming dynasty was the most recent dynasty in which hanfu was mainstream. Still, it’s true that there was a perception of Ming-style hanfu as being stuffy, for older people, and not as attractive or flattering as other styles (partly due to it being the most conservative hanfu style). I’m also really happy that Ming-style has exploded in popularity in recent years.

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The Chinese kimono was and continues to be a highly stylized garment. Once worn only by the Chinese upper class, now it is a common choice for people throughout the world. Today, it is more commonly worn by women than men. What is Chinese kimono called? Can you wear a kimono if you’re not Japanese? To get straight to the point: As long as a kimono is worn out of respect and appreciation of the Japanese culture, it’s perfectly fine to wear a kimono as a foreigner. Can non Asians wear kimono? What ethnicity wears kimonos? It’s got long sleeves and reaches from the shoulders all the way down to one’s heels. Different types of kimono are worn depending on the occasion; kimonos for everyday wear are a lot simpler than those for formal occasions. A. The kimono is the traditional dress of Japan. Is kimono Japanese or Chinese? Kimono is Japanese traditional & unique dress showing the Japanese sense of fashion. Japanese kimono (in other words, ”gofuku”) derived from the garments worn in China during the Wu dynasty. Let’s explore the origin of kimono. Is it OK to wear hanfu? If so, do you have the host’s permission? If so, then yes, that’s fine, as long as the rules of being respectful in your presentation and wearing of it are adhered to. If you’re in a school or a company and there are Chinese students or co-workers, then it depends highly on the general culture of the place. Is it disrespectful to wear a short kimono? There are no rules about when you can and can’t wear a kimono. Don’t forget kimono were still worn daily in Japan by most people just a few decades ago, so kimono are really just normal clothing. Is it OK to wear black in Japan? You can wear all black whenever and where ever you like. Working Japanese usually do not wear shorts, cheongsam qipao so you don’t see them in shorts except on weekends. Tank tops and shorts are perfectly fine. Is it OK for foreigners to wear yukata? But you see lots of people on leisurely activities (including tourists) wearing them. There’s nothing barring you from joining in and participating in the spirit of the event any more than there is stopping you from wearing a Yukata. Enjoy yourself, with others and have a pleasant time. What are the rules of wearing a kimono? Yes. Octoberfest, marathons, charity events etc- yes to all. Wear white tabi socks. Tie the obi knot on the backside. Cross the left side over the right side. Reserve the yukata for informal events. Wear a nagajuban under your kimono. The short answer is yes, wearing the garment often does fall into the area of cultural appropriation – but not in exactly the same way as, say Victoria’s Secret using Native American “inspired” headdresses in their fashion shows. Is wearing a kimono robe cultural appropriation? Is it disrespectful to wear a haori? “Haori” is a word representing the traditional Japanese jacket. Turns out there are lots of ways to appropriate! Some haori are meant to be worn casually while others are meant to be formal wear. Can I wear a kimono casually? But that doesn’t matter if you’re obviously wearing it as part of a modern casual outfit. Printed Kimonos in both light and dark colors are popular for casual wear among men as well as women. Hana’asagi (blue) kimono. Photo: Courtesy of PIE International. What does a blue kimono mean? The name for this particular shade of blue denotes a pale green-blue enhanced by flowers, pointing to the process through which it is achieved. What does a black kimono mean? Black colous symbolized the bride’s strong intention to “not be dyed by anyone else”, and it is a kimono that gives an image of “hard chastity” like Shiromuku. What do Chinese ladies wear? Blue evokes elements of the natural world: the sky and the ocean. The high- necked, closed-collar cheongsam features a loose chest, asymmetrical fastening, fitted waist, and side slits. The cheongsam, or Qipao, is the classic dress for Chinese women, which combines the elaborate elegance of Chinese tradition with unique elements of style. What do Chinese people wear? What is a traditional Chinese dress called? A Qipao, sometimes referred to as a cheongsam or a “Mandarin gown,” is a classic garment traditionally made from embroidered silk, featuring a high collar and delicate cloth buttons on the front. The Hanfu, Zhongshan suit (Mao suit), Tang suit, and cheongsam (qipao) are the four most distinctive types of traditional Chinese clothing. The qipaos you might be familiar with are tight-fitting and associated with the Shanghainese socialites of the ’60s. Do Chinese people still wear traditional clothes? Today, wearing Hanfu has become a fashionable thing among many young Chinese, as you can see, there are many Hanfu societies in universities. People get together with their Hanfu collection, taking photos in traditional style and appreciating the beauty of traditional clothing.

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For ages, the Paofu and Yuanling Daopao – a lighter summertime style, were the garments of choice in China. Beyond being just clothing, hanfu red both are invaluable cultural treasures steeped in tradition. Many say the wuxia style male hanfu is irresistible, like one who bought this for her boyfriend admits, “when he wore this hanfu outfit, I believe he must be my life’s hero.” Yes, a man wearing a hanfu will make himself look like a kung fu master or a warrior, maybe that’s the charm of classic hanfu clothing. And you can see them on most Cdramas and Kungfu movies. If you’re looking for some fun and funky men’s fashion, then look no further than the classic men’s hanfu outfit. Retro is a style that is both classic and modern at the same time, and has even made its way into the mainstream. Whether you’re looking for a stylish new wardrobe or you want to update your current wardrobe with a little something extra, retro men’s hanfu clothing will help you achieve that. Grab your favorite pair of men’s hanfu pants and shirts and start shopping. So, what are you waiting for? Retro men’s hanfu clothing has been in style for several years and the best part is that you don’t have to be an expert fashion designer to wear male hanfu. The male hanfu is undergoing a renaissance, it’s not a piece of clothing is in or out. Today, there’s no shortage of modern men’s hanfu available in the market. For those who want to look good without having to spend a fortune, fashion styles are the way to go. These styles are a combination of fashion and vintage styles, which make them easy to pair with modern-day clothes. The choices are so vast that it can be difficult to narrow down the options to something that’s both comfortable and stylish. When it comes to dressing in the best male hanfu clothing, you have to take into consideration some important factors. If you’re shopping for comfortable hanfu clothing, you’ll want to make sure you have the right fit. For example, the new arrival hanfu shirt is black with a red and blue striped pattern, and it looks really cool with the blue jeans. You’ll also want to consider the fabric, the color, the cut, the length, and the styling. The 1st thing that you need to consider is the color of the hanfu that you’re going to wear. You need to know that the color of your clothing will have a big impact on how people will perceive you and your personality. The material of the clothing will have a huge impact on how comfortable you’ll feel while wearing it. The 3rd thing is the types of hanfu. The 2nd thing that you have to think about is the material of the hanfu that you’re going to choose. There are many popular hanfu styles for men, like ruqun hanfu, jin wuxia hanfu, and robe hanfu. Different hanfu style will have a big impact on how you’ll look when you’re wearing it. And for the best fit, look for a size that is at least one size larger than your normal size.

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The set is composed of a white shirt and a black Ma Mian skirt, each piece thoughtfully designed to capture the essence of Ming Dynasty aesthetics. The blouse, with its crisp white fabric, is subtly adorned with intricate dark patterns, adding a layer of texture and richness to the garment. The Ma Mian skirt, a traditional Chinese pleated skirt, has been modernized with a refined design while staying true to its historical roots. The neckline features delicate bird motifs, symbolizing freedom and grace, modern cheongsam and providing a touch of elegance that elevates the entire ensemble. The skirt is predominantly black, offering a striking contrast to the white blouse. The hem of the skirt is where the design truly shines, featuring elements of classical Chinese paintings that add a sense of cultural depth and artistic flair. The skirt’s waistband has been improved with a buckle closure, offering both convenience and a secure fit, cheongsam sexy making it not only beautiful but also practical for everyday wear. The combination of the detailed blouse and the artistically designed Ma Mian skirt creates a look that is both classic and stylish, suitable for a variety of occasions, from work settings to casual outings. The “Timeless Elegance” set is a testament to the enduring appeal of Hanfu, proving that traditional attire can be both fashionable and functional in today’s world. This Hanfu set is perfect for those who appreciate the timeless allure of traditional Chinese clothing but seek a design that can transition effortlessly into the modern wardrobe. In summary, the “Timeless Elegance” Hanfu set is a versatile and sophisticated choice for those who want to incorporate the beauty of traditional Chinese fashion into their everyday life. With its elegant black and white color scheme, intricate details, and modern adaptations, this set offers a perfect blend of ancient culture and contemporary style, making it a must-have addition to any wardrobe.

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There’s something familiar about browsing through vintage clothing markets, flipping through hanger after hanger, waiting for each rack’s contents to slowly reveal themselves. There it is again: a qipao, wedged between a patchwork dress and some satin gown. Either way, something about the qipao, here, strikes me as odd. I can’t tell whether it’s the frequency illusion (seeing something for the first time, then consequently seeing it crop up everywhere), or whether this dress is truly making its way into the arsenal of the trendy city girl. Of course, there is the association of the dress with being Chinese. In a London flea market, however, its presence seems incongruent. To me, the qipao occupies the space that was simultaneously childhood Lunar New Year costume and chic formal dress, in their respective garishly festive and meticulously tailored renditions. It’s not only the unfamiliarity of perceiving it amongst everyday articles of clothing – it’s also the awareness that, to many a person, the qipao is representative of my cultural identity and tradition. A garment of mixed roots, the qipao stood at the crossroads of 20th century nationhood. One entry point into the origins of the style is in its name ‘qi pao’: qi (旗): banner; pao (袍): robe. Since first emerging in Shanghai in the 1920s, it has remained a high-collared, front-buttoned dress despite its many iterations. The Banners were a socio-military institution under the Qing, who were distinguished as their own class and served as a pillar of Manchu pride. After all, this was a Republic built upon a Han Chinese nationalism, which resisted Manchu customs. Besides its ethnic history, the dress has also been associated with gender: the one-piece contour of the qipao resembles the men’s dress changpao, the long robe. It is somewhat surprising that the qipao, a dress inspired by the styles of Manchu women, was conceived during Republican China. When the dress was eventually designated by the Republic as a national outfit, it reinforced the garment’s role as the feminine counterpart to the Republican male robe. This new style was a departure from the more complicated two-piece blouse and skirt familiar to Han women until 1921. Even now, my mother uses the term cheongsam, the equivalent of changpao in Cantonese, interchangeably with qipao. From its conception through to the present day, the qipao continues to be intertwined with identity. The features of the qipao were never concrete either. The first styles had greater coverage and were more loose-fitting, boasting angular cuts and bell-shaped sleeves. Moving into the 1930s, an increasingly recognisable qipao appears. The iconic short sleeves, slide slit, and close fit emerged in this era. I’ve seen this qipao in richly coloured calendars and cosmetics posters, returned to this epoch in a museum scene. In the decades after 1949, the dress found a new life in the relocated tailor shops and bustling commerce of Hong Kong. I think when people say that the qipao makes demands on the wearer, they are referring to this silhouette. Afterwards, its complicated knots were replaced with metal buttons or zippers, rendering the dress even more wearable as everyday attire. Further adapted to hug the figure, this qipao was made using tailoring darts to ensure that every curve was on display. With its many silhouettes and textures, there has never been a definitive, classic ‘qipao’. The Shanghai ‘Modern Girl’ of the 1930s was always qipao-clad. As an outfit, the dress lives somewhat in the imagination. This qipao, situated comfortably in the urban world, ushers China into the modern age. The ‘Modern Girl’ navigates her way through the neo-classical shores of the Bund and the dimly-lit alleyways of the Old City, attending a clandestine meeting here or there. The qipao, on her, is alluring but dangerous – she represents both a lively modernity and the condemnation of its decadence. This dress was visible at all occasions, big and small. As formal attire, it appeared at diplomatic meetings and high society gatherings, representing the apex of new Chinese society. It was also native to Shanghai’s nightlife, featured on dance floors and many a street corner. These were two sides of the same coin: elegant patriotism and tantalising femininity. A 1934 guidebook to Shanghai states: “The collar on a Chinese dress always has been and presumably, always will be.” To me, the outfit is a personification. In contemporary novels and new period dramas alike, the qipao is at the centre of a colourful, long-gone Shanghai that washes into view. And in its representation of the modern Chinese woman, the qipao itself became both contemporary and timeless. The iconic garment also finds itself in frames, the best vintage. Wong Kar Wai’s 2000 film In the Mood for Love depicts a broody 1960s Hong Kong. Several families live in the same flat, people cross each other in narrow, damp stairways, and women wear the qipao. My grandmother fondly recounts to me her own 20s – how her waist was the same width as my grandfather’s handspan. This was Hong Kong in the 1960s; I think she must have worn the qipao then. This is a time that is familiar to me only via sepia photographs and my grandparents’ recollections. The qipao embodies a kind of nostalgia – a slender woman with carefully coiffed hair and embroidered slippers. At different spatial and temporal junctures, the qipao has been defined and redefined. A seductive, exotic treaty port, Shanghai was foreign to those both within and outside of China; it was a lone city. In many ways, the dress was an evocation of the city that created it: Shanghai. Both were products of consumption, trade, and modernisation – glittering Western gifts to the ‘Paris of the East’. To the outsider, the city and the dress were quintessentially Chinese, but also completely modern inventions. Yet, to the early People’s Republic, the dress might have been a memory of an uneasy past and blighted present: imperialism and the corrupting decadence of the Republican era. The qipao is not the five thousand year civilisation that claims ‘Chinese’-ness, nor the revolutionary woman of virtue and nationalism. Simultaneously, they represented all the imaginations of the Orient: a classical culture forced into the modern age. As the dress passes from grandmother to grandchild, from suitcase to wardrobe, it accumulates layers of meaning. Just like the memory of 1930s Shanghai and 1960s Hong Kong, the garment is tied to a type of retro-modernity. As the dress evolves over the years, it shows that neither places, memories, nor periods have hard and fast boundaries. Through the qipao, I see fragments of the past continuously re-crafted in the present. Today, you might find the qipao within the lexicon of cultural discourse. It’s 2018, and there is a new controversy on Twitter: is wearing a qipao as a prom dress cultural appropriation? Perhaps she can be identified by the chopsticks in her hair, her cryptic Far-Eastern language, or the heart-shaped cut-outs on the front of her dress. One user argues that to be “subject to American consumerism and cater to a white audience, is parallel to colonial ideology.” Another responds: “You don’t speak for my culture.” The qipao of the West maps out an oriental woman that is demure and mysterious. The qipao, a garment that has evolved to be distinctly feminine, overlaps with this sexualised version of the Orient. And even in Republican Shanghai, the qipao was crafted under the double vision of Chinese and Western imagination. Now sucked into the fold of fast fashion and quickfire trends, none of these associations have been forgotten. The Chinese diaspora that identifies themselves with the qipao also grapples with what this dress projects onto them. Importantly, the qipao does not merely function within and for the Western gaze. The garment may attempt to define a distinctly contemporary ‘Chinese’-ness, but it has not gone uncontested. To be broadly accepted as an extension of identity, the qipao requires, firstly, to be defined as Chinese. Yet on the mainland, hanfu is the growing subculture. Hanfuis directly related to its namesake, the Han people, and claims ancient roots. There is much historical diversity in its several thousand years of existence, but advocates for hanfu argue that the cross collar and the lack of buttons are its unique, identifying traits. Meanwhile, the qipao is increasingly rejected as a Manchu remnant. However, as an ethnic dress, hanfu neglects the multi-ethnic dimensions of China. To recognise it as the sole traditional attire would assume an unbroken uniformity in the nation and its people. On the other shores of Chinese identity, the qipao slips through the peripheries of these debates. It is not just a formal dress, but also an emblem. My mother walked down the aisle of a church in a white cheongsam on her wedding day, and has a few in her wardrobe – but these are mostly reserved for fancy occasions. It is an imagined type of glory that existed in cosmopolitan Shanghai and the burgeoning global hub that was post-war Hong Kong. Some of my friends’ uniforms were qipaos at school, but all they remember from it is the constriction of the fitted tunic and the buttons across the front. Instead, it is an idealised femininity wrapped up in nostalgia, as well as an acknowledged signal of cultural heritage. We understand it this way – the qipao is neither a crucial link to faraway roots nor a blank slate. The qipao might find its way into our clothing repertoire, but it may not be a fundamental part of us. I can’t stop thinking about whether this is a performative type of Chinese-ness, especially when I am not in Hong Kong. I want to wear the qipao for a special occasion, if only because it is beautiful – but there is a lens on this piece of clothing that I can’t shake. Do my face, my eyes, my nose, my hair, and my Chinese body in a qipao, function as its official stamp of authenticity? Like the way I was drinking tea in a Chinese restaurant and someone walked past me and said ‘You’ve got to do it the traditional way, don’t you? ’ Must wearing the qipao also bring upon me all the weight of its history? I wonder if I represent the qipao more than it represents me. Can I pick and choose from the variety of implications that the qipao carries? To what extent are these ideas – identity, tradition, authenticity – threaded into the qipao itself? As fashion, as costume, and as national dress, it is tangled in layers of meaning that multiply across time. The qipao is certainly not a one-size-fits-all. For me, the qipao is still too close to home to merely be an item of fashion and too jumbled in associations to be a symbol for identity. The qipao that attempts to define a singular Chinese identity is bursting at the seams. Instead of restricting the meaning of this garment to just one, the qipao can serve as a space for all these changing connections between clothing, culture, and history. Words by Michelle Chan. Art by Dowon Jung.

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As an integrated cultural system, Hanfu can contain totally different expressions at the same time. We should treat the traditional and modern Hanfu with an inclusive attitude. The ancient traditional Hanfu is a way of expression, and the daily Hanfu with modern style is also a way of expression. Now let’s take a look at the differences between traditional and modern Hanfu? Modern Hanfu pays more attention to the beauty in details. After all, the pursuit of “beauty” may be one of the reasons why young people like Hanfu. Therefore, the current Hanfu is not limited to restoration, but focuses more on the beauty and convenience. The traditional dress of Han Dynasty is elegant, plus size qipao like a cloud of immortals. Modern Hanfu: but the jacket and collar of the current Hanfu are very shallow, more beautiful, and more modern. Traditional Hanfu: in the Ming Dynasty, because of the cold weather at that time, the cross collar design of the jacket was very high, almost covering the whole neck. Modern Hanfu: due to the continuous improvement of skills, modern Hanfu is also more diversified in color and closer to the attitude of young people in pursuit of fashion. Modern Hanfu: a hidden pocket will be designed in the sleeve of modern Hanfu, which is convenient for large families to install mobile phones and some small items. It can be said that it is very close to life and humanized. Traditional Hanfu: due to the limited colors in ancient Han Dynasty, the most common colors in ancient Hanfu are cinnabar, indigo, azure and other common minerals or plant pigments. Both the ancient and the improved Hanfu are the embodiment of the traditional costume culture of the Han nationality in China. To sum up, the traditional Hanfu has the classical charm of the traditional Hanfu, and the modern Hanfu has the changeable style and strong aura of the modern Hanfu.

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